It turns out Tulsi Gabbard is just a cultist, not a paid Russian shill

https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/2026/06/21/tulsi-gabbard-her-guru-mysterious-messages-that-helped-shape-her-political-career/

https://archive.ph/vDvZN

The first time I spoke with Rebecca Saltzburg, she told me Tulsi Gabbard was a freethinker who took orders from no one.

我第一次和丽贝卡·萨尔茨伯格说话时，她告诉我图尔西·加巴德是个独立思考者，不受任何人指使。

“I didn’t always agree with Tulsi on everything,” Saltzburg, who worked on digital strategy for several of Gabbard’s congressional campaigns, said in November 2024. “But as for the core of her life and political path? I can vouch 100 percent, that is her own.”

“我并不是总同意图尔西的每一个观点，”萨尔茨伯格说，她曾在加巴德的几次国会竞选活动中负责数字策略。“但关于她的人生核心和政治路线？我可以百分之百作证，那是她自己的。”

Saltzburg had heard I’d been asking people about Chris Butler, the eccentric religious leader Gabbard once described as her guru. Gabbard grew up in Butler’s breakaway Hare Krishna group. Her parents held senior positions in the organization. Saltzburg said that she herself had been a member since moving to Hawaii with a college friend in the 1990s.

萨尔茨伯格听说我一直在问关于克里斯·巴特勒的事，巴特勒是个古怪的宗教领袖，加巴德曾称他为她的上师。加巴德在巴特勒分裂出去的哈瑞·奎师那团体中长大，她的父母在该组织中担任高级职位。萨尔茨伯格说，她自己自90年代和一个大学朋友搬到夏威夷后就成了该团体成员。

Butler’s followers practice a form of Hinduism that involves devotion to a single deity, in their case Krishna, and certain expectations around meditation, yoga and diet.

巴特勒的追随者 practiced 一种形式的印度教，他们信奉一位单一的神祇，即克里希纳，并在冥想、瑜伽和饮食方面有特定的要求。

Some former members, however, have called the group a cult and said disciples were isolated from the outside world, characterizations the group has denied. Former devotees had been telling me for weeks that Butler controlled his followers’ major life decisions and demanded total obedience and secrecy. They said he spent years working to extend his reach into politics — and they suspected Gabbard’s rise in Washington was the culmination of that effort.

然而，一些前成员称该团体为邪教，并称门徒与外界隔绝，这些说法遭到该团体的否认。前信徒们告诉我，巴特勒控制着追随者的重大人生决定，并要求绝对的服从和保密。他们说他多年来一直在努力将影响力扩展到政治领域，并怀疑加巴德在华盛顿的崛起正是这一努力的成果。

图片: https://i.4cdn.org/news/1782340894588263.png

Now that Gabbard, a former Democratic congresswoman, had been picked by President-elect Donald Trump to be director of national intelligence, I wanted to understand: Just how much influence did Butler have on her?

现在，前民主党国会议员加巴德已被当选总统唐纳德·特朗普提名为国家情报总监，我想弄明白：巴特勒对她的影响到底有多大？

Not much, Saltzburg told me in that first conversation. She also played down the importance of Butler’s organization, the Science of Identity Foundation (SIF). “I don’t even really see it as a real group,” she said.

“没多少。”萨尔茨堡在那次初次通话中如此说道。她还淡化了巴特勒的机构——身份科学基金会（SIF）的重要性。“我甚至根本不觉得那算是一个真正的组织，”她说。

Nine months later, Saltzburg, then 53, got back in touch. This time, she had a different story to tell. She didn’t want to say much on a regular phone line, so we switched to an encrypted messaging app.

九个月后，时年53岁的萨尔茨堡重新联系了我。这一次，她换了一套说辞。她不想在普通电话线上多说，于是我们改用了加密聊天软件。

Saltzburg told me she had worked for Butler as a secretary in the 1990s, and lived for a time with Gabbard’s parents and other devotees in a rented property. She said she had recently fallen out with the leaders of SIF, who she believed were mishandling allegations of physical and sexual abuse by some members of the organization. A few months earlier, she said, she had been arrested for briefly housing a teenage runaway who alleged abuse by a parent associated with the group. Saltzburg claimed SIF members had engineered her arrest.

萨尔茨堡告诉我，她在20世纪90年代曾为巴特勒当秘书，还曾在吉哈德父母及其他信徒的一处租赁房屋里住过一段时间。她说，自己最近与SIF的领导层闹翻了，因为她认为这些领导层在处理组织内部分成员遭受身心虐待的指控时手段不当。她说，几个月前，她因涉嫌短暂收留一名声称遭父母虐待的青少年流浪少年而被捕。萨尔茨堡声称，SIF成员策划了这次逮捕。

It all seemed a little conspiratorial and hard to follow, and I was deep into another story. But there was a minor mystery that had been nagging at me since I had looked into SIF the previous year, a name I’d stumbled on deep within some records.

这一切听起来有些阴谋论的味道，也难以理清，而我又深陷于另一条新闻的调查之中。但自从我去年深入调查SIF以来，有一个小谜团一直萦绕在我心头——我在一些档案深处偶然碰到的一个名字。

“One question,” I wrote to Saltzburg last September. “Do you know what Nine Isles is?”

“一个问题，”去年九月我写道，“你知道‘Nine Isles’是什么吗？”

Her answer surprised me, and it sent me on a nearly year-long quest to better understand Gabbard, who left office last week.

她的回答让我大吃一惊，并促使我展开了一场持续近一年的调查，以更好地了解上周离职的吉哈德。

Saltzburg told me NineIsles.com was an email domain used by Butler’s office, one reserved for his secretaries and select disciples. She said she herself had received emails from Nine Isles addresses when she worked on Gabbard’s campaigns.

萨尔茨堡告诉我，NineIsles.com是巴特勒办公室使用的电子邮件域名，专门供他的秘书和特定门徒使用。她说，自己在为吉哈德的竞选活动时，曾收到过来自Nine Isles地址的邮件。

She thought she had deleted most of them, she said. But when Saltzburg logged into an old Gmail account, she found hundreds of emails from her SIF days, many from Nine Isles accounts. She shared some with me.

她说，她以为自己已经把大部分邮件都删了。但当萨尔茨堡登录一个旧Gmail账户时，她找到了数百封来自她SIF时期的邮件，其中许多来自Nine Isles账号。她分享了一些给我。

Their content was extraordinary.

这些邮件的内容非同寻常。

Dozens of attached memos appeared to document directives and advice for Gabbard from her time in Congress. Some contained instructions on what legislation she should propose, which policies she should embrace and how she should conduct herself on television. They had an air of authority. A memo about a proposal to partition war-torn Iraq into three states quoted an unnamed person as saying it was “time for TG to come up with this idea.”

附件中有数十份备忘录，似乎记录了吉哈德在国会任职期间收到的指令和建议。其中一些包含关于她应提出哪些立法、采纳哪些政策以及如何在电视上表现自己的指示。它们散发着一种权威的气息。关于将饱受战火摧残的伊拉克划分为三个州的提案备忘录中，引用了一位匿名人士的话称，现在是“TG拿出这个主意的时候了”。 有些措辞严厉批评。我在2015年1月找到的一份备忘录中，对吉哈德即将发表的回应奥巴马年度国会演讲的声明进行了嘲弄式的评价。

Some of the language was harshly critical. One memo I found, from January 2015, contained a derisive assessment of a statement Gabbard was to give in response to President Barack Obama’s annual address to Congress.

有些措辞相当尖刻。我找到的一份2015年1月的备忘录里，对加巴德要在奥巴马总统年度国情咨文演讲后发表的声明进行了嘲讽性的评价。

“In the first place, nobody gives a shit what you think about his State of the Union speech, unless you’re going to say something of interest,” the memo quoted someone as saying. “You’re not even trying. You’ve become really intellectually lazy.”

“首先，没人他妈的在乎你对总统国情咨文演讲的看法，除非你能说出点什么有意思的东西，”备忘录引用某人的话说。“你根本都没在努力。你变得非常思想懒惰。”

In another, Gabbard was described as “chickenshit” and “mealymouthed” for her comments on a policy proposal.

在另一份文件中，吉哈德因对某项政策提案的评论而被形容为“懦夫”和“说话吞吞吐吐”。

I noticed that Gabbard for the most part was not listed as a recipient of these emails, though many went to people around her, including her parents. The attached memos appeared to be transcripts, often fragmentary, of spoken remarks or conversations.

我注意到加巴德通常不在这些邮件的收件人名单中，尽管很多邮件发给了她身边的人，包括她的父母。附件中的备忘录似乎是对讲话或对话的转录，而且往往是不完整的片段。

Some of the memos had file names that included “Call with TG” and attributed remarks to Gabbard, while in others the spoken remarks referred to Gabbard in third person. But the main speaker in each memo — the person who appeared to be issuing directives and sometimes castigating Gabbard — wasn’t named. There was simply no attribution or mention of who they were.

一些备忘录的文件名中包含“与TG通话”，并将发言归因于加巴德，而在其他备忘录中，发言则是用第三人称提到加巴德。但在每份备忘录中，主要发言者——那个看似发布指令并有时斥责加巴德的人——并没有署名。完全没有注明或提及此人是谁。

When I asked Saltzburg about this, she seemed amused. It was Butler, of course, she said. No one else could speak to Gabbard like that, she added. Saltzburg said the memos were unattributed precisely to mask Butler’s identity if they ever became public.

当我向萨尔茨堡询问此事时，她似乎觉得好笑。当然是巴特勒，她说。除了他没人能那样对加巴德说话，她补充道。萨尔茨堡表示，这些备忘录特意不署名，是为了以防它们将来公开时掩盖巴特勒的身份。

Saltzburg kept searching her email and social media accounts, and sending documents. Eventually, the files she shared ran to more than 25,000 pages, including hundreds of memos reflecting guidance for Gabbard between 2011 and 2017, most from her first two terms in Congress.

萨尔茨堡继续搜索她的电子邮件和社交媒体账号，并发送文件。最终，她分享的文件多达25000多页，其中包括数百份备忘录，反映了2011年至2017年间对加巴德的指导，其中大部分来自她担任国会众议员的前两届任期。

In the months to come, the documents would reveal that some of the same SIF members who received the memos were involved in a separate effort that used fake social media accounts to boost and defend Gabbard online.

在接下来的几个月里，这些文件揭示，一些收到备忘录的SIF成员还参与了另一项运动，该运动使用虚假社交媒体账号来在线助推和支持加巴德。

None of this, however, would turn out to be straightforward. One person close to both Gabbard and Butler would claim the words in the memos that focused on politics were not Butler’s. SIF’s president would decline to answer my questions, saying they were based on false premises. Gabbard’s team, without addressing specifics, would attack my reporting as amplifying “hostility against her Hindu faith.” And Saltzburg’s history with SIF would be messier than it first appeared.

然而，事情并不像表面看起来那么简单。一位与加巴德和巴特勒都熟悉的人声称，备忘录中聚焦政治的那部分话并非巴特勒所说。SIF的主席拒绝回答我的问题，称这些问题基于错误的前提。加巴德的团队没有针对具体问题作出回应，而是抨击我的报道是在放大“对她印度教信仰的敌意”。此外，萨尔茨堡与SIF的过往历史也比最初显示的更为复杂。

But before all of that occurred, I compared the content of the memos against Gabbard’s record in the House and I found unmistakable parallels. The main speaker in a 2014 memo pressed for her to propose legislation penalizing countries with citizens who had fought for the Islamic State, and to issue a statement about it.

但在所有这些事件发生之前，我将备忘录的内容与加巴德在众议院的履职记录进行了比对，发现存在无可辩驳的相似之处。一份2014年备忘录的主要发言者敦促她提议立法，对拥有公民加入伊斯兰国的国家进行惩罚，并就此事发表声明。

“Get it started in the morning,” the person said. “You need to be the leader in this regard. Don’t dick around.” I found that Gabbard released a statement the following day. A week after that, she introduced a bill in the House.

“早上就开始着手做这件事，”此人说道。“你需要在此方面成为领导者。别他妈磨蹭。”我发现加巴德在第二天就发表了一份声明。一周后，她在众议院提出了一项法案。

An Oct. 12, 2015, memo labeled “CNN Wolf Blitzer Talking points (Final)” contained this language about reports that she had been asked by Democratic leadership not to attend a presidential debate: “It’s not a ‘boohoo, I don’t get to go to the party’ situation, Wolf.” I dug up the clip of her appearance that day and found that she had used the line almost verbatim: “The issue here is not about me saying boo-hoo, I’m going to miss the party.”

一份2015年10月12日标有“CNN沃尔夫·布利策谈话要点（最终版）”的备忘录中，包含以下关于“据报民主党领导层曾要求她不要参加总统辩论”这一报道的内容：“沃尔夫，这可不是什么‘哇哦，我不能去派对’的可怜 situation（惨状）。”我翻出了她当天的露面视频片段，发现她几乎一字不差地使用了这句话：“这里的问题不是我在那里说‘哇哦，我要错过派对了’。”

The limited remarks attributed to Gabbard in the memos appeared to show her enthusiastically embracing the guidance. “TG: That’s perfect, that line right there,” said one transcript labeled “Iraq notes — call.” A line attributed to “TG” in another transcript said, “That’s a great way to put it.”

备忘录中归因于加巴德的寥寥数语似乎表明，她正热情地采纳这些指导。一份标有“伊拉克笔记——通话”的录音转写稿显示：“TG：这太完美了，就是这句话。”另一份转写稿中，名为“TG”的人说道：“这说法很棒。”

The documents, together with Saltzburg’s explanation of them, raised remarkable questions: Had a reclusive guru been secretly trying to steer Gabbard’s actions as a public official? And could that shed light on the improbable arc traced by one of the most unconventional shape-shifters in modern American politics?

这些文件连同萨尔茨伯格的解释，引出了一个引人注目的问题：那位隐居的导师是否在秘密地引导加巴德作为公职人员的行为？而这能否为美国现代政治中最不寻常、最善变的政治人物之一的不寻常轨迹提供线索？

Gabbard’s career trajectory has taken her from socially conservative Democrat to progressive darling, Bernie Sanders ally and presidential hopeful, and then to Fox News contributor, MAGA Republican and, eventually, Trump’s top intelligence official, a role that granted her access to some of the nation’s most sensitive secrets.

加巴德的职业轨迹将她从一位社会保守派民主党人，变成了进步派的宠儿、伯尼·桑德斯的盟友及总统候选人，随后她又成为福克斯新闻的撰稿人、拥护“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）的共和党人，并最终担任特朗普政府的首要情报官员，这一职位使她得以接触国家一些最敏感的秘密。

If Butler was guiding Gabbard’s political career, the two of them had kept it under wraps.

如果巴特勒在引导加巴德的政治生涯，那么两人都对此严格保密。

Butler, 78, once reportedly said he did not tell Gabbard how to vote in Congress. For politicians, he told the New Yorker in 2017, taking a position on an issue “is something that every individual has to deal with on their own.”

据报道，78岁的巴特勒曾说，他并未告诉加巴德在国会如何投票。他在2017年接受《纽约客》采访时表示，对于政治家而言，就某个问题表明立场“是每个人都必须独自面对的事情。”

Gabbard, 45, was asked by one of my Washington Post colleagues in 2019 whether Butler had mentored her politically. Her answer was emphatic: “No, no, not at all.”

2019年，当《华盛顿邮报》的一位同事问巴特勒是否在政治上指导过加巴德时，45岁的加巴德斩钉截铁地回答：“不，不，完全不是。”

Either way, I thought, the documents suggested that someone had been telling Gabbard what to do. And at least in the few cases I had looked at, she appeared to have done it.

不管怎样，我想，这些文件表明有人一直在告诉加巴德该怎么做。而且至少在我查阅的几个案例中，她似乎确实照办了。

By the time Saltzburg first contacted me, I had dug up old newspaper articles showing that Butler’s interest in politics long predated the founding of SIF.

在萨尔茨伯格首次联系我时，我已经挖出了一些旧报纸文章，显示巴特勒对政治的兴趣远早于创立SIF（全球意识基金会）。

The son of a radical left-wing physician, Butler began teaching Krishnaism and meditation after dropping out of the University of Hawaii in the late 1960s. Tall, lean and charismatic, he attracted devoted followers who believed that he was in direct communication with Krishna. In 1970, two devotees told a reporter for the Honolulu Advertiser that they would do anything Butler asked, including kill themselves.

作为一位激进左翼医生的儿子，巴特勒在20世纪60年代末从夏威夷大学辍学后，开始教授克里希纳意识（印度教分支）和冥想。他身材高大、瘦削且充满魅力，吸引了一批忠实的追随者，他们相信他与克里希纳直接交流。1970年，两名信徒告诉《檀香山Advertiser》报记者，他们愿意为巴特勒做任何事，包括自杀。

I found Butler had said in a 1975 pamphlet that “inept politicians should be removed from their seats.” He suggested they be replaced by what he called “saintly persons.”

我发现，巴特勒在1975年的一本小册子中曾表示，“无能的政治家应该被撤职。”他建议用他所谓的“圣人”来取代他们。

The following year, a new political party, Independents for Godly Government, sprung up in Hawaii with 14 candidates for federal, state and local offices, records show. IGG claimed to be nonsectarian.

记录显示，次年，夏威夷出现了一个新的政党——“上帝政府独立党”（Independents for Godly Government, IGG），该党提名了14名候选人角逐联邦、州和地方职位。IGG自称是非宗派的。

None of the IGG candidates won their elections. Afterward, an investigation by the Advertiser concluded that several were Butler followers, and all were Krishna devotees.

IGG的所有候选人均未能当选。事后，《Advertiser》进行的一项调查得出结论称，其中几位是巴特勒的追随者，且所有人都是克里希纳的信徒。

When asked by the newspaper why he and the others “ke[pt] quiet about the Krishna connection,” one candidate, Bill Penaroza, reportedly said: “It was a practical problem. Most people would misunderstand it.” It’s not clear from Advertiser stories how or whether Butler responded to the newspaper’s findings.

当被报纸问及为何他与其他人对“克利希纳的联系”保持沉默时，一名候选人比尔·佩纳罗萨据报道表示：“这是个实际问题，大多数人会产生误解。”《Advertiser》的报道并未明确显示巴特勒是否对报纸的调查结果作出了回应，以及他是如何回应的。

In 1977, Butler formally incorporated his own organization and eventually settled on the SIF name. His teachings belonged to no political tribe: He inveighed against Muslims, homosexuality, gun control and public schools, but also promoted environmentalism and anti-capitalism.

1977年，巴特勒正式注册成立了他自己的组织，并最终确定使用“SIF”这一名称。他的教义不属于任何政治派别：他谴责穆斯林、同性恋、枪支管制和公立学校，但同时也倡导环保主义和反资本主义。

Among Butler’s disciples were Mike and Carol Gabbard, who moved to Hawaii in the early 1980s with their children, including young Tulsi. Mike Gabbard for a time also oversaw Butler’s personal affairs — until he was fired for lapses that included failing to ensure a supply of fresh mangoes for Butler’s breakfasts, according to an internal SIF memo.

巴特勒的门徒中包括迈克和卡罗尔·加巴德夫妇，他们在20世纪80年代初带着孩子（其中包括年幼的图尔西）移居夏威夷。据一份SIF内部备忘录称，迈克·加巴德曾一度负责处理巴特勒的个人事务——直到因疏忽被解雇，其中包括未能确保为巴特勒的早餐提供新鲜芒果。

In the early 1990s, the Gabbards stepped into the political spotlight. With SIF’s backing, the family launched a forceful campaign against same-sex marriage in Hawaii. It included a TV ad that featured Tulsi, then a teenager, and that warned legalization would lead to people marrying their dogs. (Tulsi later declared her support for same-sex marriage and apologized for her past stance.)

20世纪90年代初，加巴德夫妇步入政治聚光灯下。在SIF的支持下，该家族在夏威夷发起了一场强有力的反对同性婚姻的竞选活动。其中包括一条电视广告，主角是当时还是青少年的图尔西，广告警告称合法化将导致人们与狗结婚。（图尔西后来宣布支持同性婚姻，并为她过去的立场道歉。）

Carol Gabbard, who has described herself as Hindu, was elected to the Hawaii state education board in a nonpartisan contest in 2000. She acknowledged on an ethics form that she served as SIF’s secretary, but neither she nor her husband has said much publicly about their association with the group. Mike Gabbard, who has said he is Catholic, ran for a seat in the state Senate as a Republican six years later and then defected to the Democratic Party once in office.

自称为印度教徒的卡罗尔·加巴德于2000年在一场无党派选举中当选为夏威夷州教育委员会成员。她在一份伦理申报表上承认自己曾担任SIF的秘书，但她和她的丈夫都未就他们与该组织的关联做过太多公开说明。迈克·加巴德自称是天主教徒，六年后以共和党人身份竞选州参议员席位，并在当选后转投民主党。

Tulsi Gabbard, meanwhile, was elected to the state legislature in 2002. She then deployed to Iraq with the Army National Guard and, after a short stint on the Honolulu City Council, was elected to the House in 2012. She took the oath of office on the Bhagavad-Gita and has said she was proud to be the first Hindu American member of Congress.

与此同时，图尔西·加巴德于2002年当选进入州议会。随后她随陆军国民警卫队部署到伊拉克，在短暂担任檀香山市议员后，于2012年当选进入众议院。她在《薄伽梵歌》上宣誓就职，并表示为她成为首位印度裔美国国会议员而感到自豪。

Eager to learn more about Butler and his political ambitions, I tried to reach the guru and his devotees by phone. For weeks, no SIF representatives acknowledged my calls or emails, let alone returned them.

渴望更多关于巴特勒及其政治野心的信息，我尝试通过电话联系这位上师及其信徒。数周以来，SIF的代表们既没有确认收到我的来电或邮件，更不用说回复了。

Over Thanksgiving 2024, my Post colleague Cate Brown and I traveled to Kailua, a beach town on the eastern shore of Oahu. Among our first stops was a three-bedroom house that a former SIF member had identified as one of several where Butler lived.

2024年感恩节期间，我的《Post》同事凯特·布朗和我前往瓦胡岛东岸的海滩小镇凯卢阿。我们的第一站之一是一栋三居室的房子，前SIF成员将其确定为巴特勒曾居住的几处房产之一。

Before long, a Honolulu police car pulled up, and an officer asked us to leave. Someone in the house had complained, I later learned.

不久，一辆檀香山警车停了下来，一名警官要求我们离开。我后来得知，房子里有人投诉了。

I also drove to the home of Kainoa Penaroza, a former Gabbard chief of staff and, former SIF members say, a Butler devotee. He is also the son of the 1976 IGG candidate Bill Penaroza.

我还开车去了卡伊诺阿·佩纳罗萨的家，他曾是加巴德的首席幕僚长，前SIF成员称他是巴特勒的信徒。他也是1976年IGG候选人比尔·佩纳罗萨的儿子。

A family member answered the door and said Penaroza wasn’t home. Later that day, Penaroza posted images of me from his doorbell camera to X. Penaroza wrote that I had flown to Hawaii to “harass and stalk” former Gabbard staffers.

一位家属开了门，说佩纳罗萨不在家。那天晚些时候，佩纳罗萨把他的门铃摄像头拍到的我的照片发到了X平台上。佩纳罗萨写道，我飞往夏威夷是为了“骚扰和跟踪”加巴德的前幕僚。

“This is creepy, wrong, and disturbing,” he wrote.

“这让人毛骨悚然、大错特错且令人不安，”他写道。

Gabbard’s account reposted Penaroza’s tweet to her more than 3 million followers. Trump’s “War Room” account shared it, too.

加巴德的账号转发了佩纳罗萨这条推文，受众超过300万粉丝。特朗普的“战情室”账号也转发了。

Nine Isles first cropped up a few weeks later.

九岛公司（Nine Isles）几周后首次出现。

I was trying to figure out who was behind the company that had bought an Oklahoma home from Gabbard in 2012, a sale that Brown had noticed came just before Gabbard made $98,000 in loans to her first congressional campaign. I was deep down a rabbit hole of Australian corporate records when I came across an email address ending in “@nineisles.com.”

我当时正在试图搞清是谁在背后操作那家2012年从加巴德手中购买俄克拉荷马州房产的公司，布朗注意到，这笔交易恰好发生在加巴德向她第一届国会竞选贷款9.8万美元之前。我深陷澳大利亚企业记录的迷宫中，直到看到一个以“@nineisles.com”结尾的电子邮件地址。

A Google search of “@nineisles.com” fetched just one result, but it made me sit up in my chair.

在Google上搜索“@nineisles.com”只得到一个结果，但这让我惊得从椅子上坐直了身体。

It was a site that listed people’s contact details, based on information harvested from the web, and it connected the email domain to a “Sunil Khemaney.”

那是一个列出个人联系方式的网站，数据源自从网络上抓取的信息，它将这个邮箱域名与“苏尼尔·凯梅尼”（Sunil Khemaney）联系在了一起。

I knew that name. Former SIF members had told me Khemaney was Butler’s “right-hand man.” News reports described him as a fundraiser or adviser to Gabbard. I had seen one report that Gabbard, speaking at an event for an Indian political party in 2014, likened Khemaney to an uncle.

我听过这个名字。前SIF成员告诉我，凯梅尼是巴特勒的“左右手”。新闻报道称他是加巴德的筹款人或顾问。我看到过一份报道，其中提到2014年在一场印度政党的活动中，加巴德曾将凯梅尼比作一位叔叔。

>>1521266

Bezos propaganda is not a valid news source

贝佐斯的宣传不是有效的新闻来源

Digging around more, I learned that “Nine Islands” in Hindi is Navadvipa, a city in India’s West Bengal region that serves as a pilgrimage site for Hare Krishna devotees. It was intriguing, and it made me wonder whether SIF and perhaps Butler were more deeply involved in Gabbard’s political life than was publicly known.

深入挖掘后，我了解到“Nine Islands”在印地语中是Navadvipa，位于印度西孟加拉邦的一座城市，是哈瑞奎师那（Hare Krishna）信徒的朝圣地。这很有趣，也引发了我的猜想：SIF甚至可能巴特勒，比公众所知的更深地卷入了加巴德的政治生活。

But I had reached a dead end — until Saltzburg got back in touch in August 2025 to air her concerns about SIF.

但我已陷入死胡同——直到2025年8月，索尔兹伯格再次与我联系，表达她对SIF的担忧。

Many of the emails she shared had come from please.confirm@nineisles.com. Some were signed with initials that corresponded to the names of people Saltzburg identified as Butler secretaries. The emails typically included the memos as attachments but little else.

她分享的许多电子邮件都来自please.confirm@nineisles.com。部分邮件落款是缩写，这些缩写的对应人名正是索尔兹伯格指认的巴特勒的秘书们。这些邮件通常附上备忘录，但内容很少。

Saltzburg told me Butler did not use a computer. Instead, he delivered his advice for Gabbard verbally, she said, sometimes to her directly over the phone and other times to his secretaries or other followers. The secretaries transcribed his remarks and turned them into memos.

索尔兹伯格告诉我，巴特勒不使用电脑。她说，他向加巴德提供建议都是口头的，有时直接通过电话对她本人说，有时则是通过他的秘书或其他追随者传达。秘书们会将他的讲话记录下来，整理成备忘录。

It was clear from the documents that the emails, with the memos attached, were often sent to a small group of people, in varying permutations, who I knew from my reporting were close to both Butler and Gabbard. They included Saltzburg, Gabbard’s parents and a few other devotees. Saltzburg said this group was known as Butler’s “political team.”

从这些文件中可以清楚地看出，带有附件备忘录的电子邮件经常发送给一小群人，具体接收者组合各不相同，而根据我的调查，这些人与巴特勒和加巴德关系都很密切。其中包括索尔兹伯格、加巴德的父母以及少数其他信徒。索尔兹伯格说，这个群体被称为巴特勒的“政治团队”。

One frequent recipient was Allison Hoen. Saltzburg told me Hoen was the college friend with whom she had moved to Hawaii in the 1990s and was, in the years the emails were sent, Butler’s top aide. Hoen was also married during that period to Khemaney, court records show.

其中一位频繁收件人是艾莉森·霍恩（Allison Hoen）。萨尔茨堡告诉我，霍恩是她在20世纪90年代搬到夏威夷时同住的大学好友，而在这些邮件发送的那几年里，她是巴特勒的首席助理。法院记录显示，霍恩在该时期已与凯马内伊（Khemaney）结婚。

According to Saltzburg, everyone who received the memos knew that the voice behind them was Butler’s. They spoke about it openly but had been told by Butler to avoid writing his name down, she said.

据萨尔茨堡称，所有收到备忘录的人都知道背后的声音是巴特勒的。他们对此公开讨论，但她表示，巴特勒曾叮嘱他们避免写下他的名字。

The attachments to emails sent from the please.confirm account were encrypted — another measure intended to preserve secrecy, according to Saltzburg. With her help, I was able to read the decrypted files.

萨尔茨堡表示，从“please.confirm”账户发送的邮件附件是加密的，这是为了保持保密性的另一项措施。在她的帮助下，我成功读取了解密后的文件。

I dove in. I wanted to determine how often Gabbard followed the advice they recorded and whether Saltzburg’s assertion that Butler was the speaker could be verified.

我深入研读。我想确定加巴德在多大程度上遵循了他们记录的建议，并验证萨尔茨堡关于发言者是巴特勒这一说法的真实性。

One memo I noticed in particular was from 2014 and was labeled “Call with T.” The unnamed speaker in that document argued that to avoid delays in medical treatment, veterans should be able to get care at any hospital and be reimbursed by Veterans Affairs, and they should be able to do so without first obtaining government approval.

我特别注意到一份2014年的备忘录，标题为“与T的通话”。文档中的无名发言人认为，为了避免医疗延误，退伍军人应能在任何医院接受治疗，并由退伍军人事务部报销，且无需事先获得政府批准。

“Actually put forward legislation. Get it done,” the speaker said.

“实际上提出立法。把这事办了。”发言人的说。

Three weeks later, Gabbard endorsed a version of that policy in an op-ed in the Honolulu Star-Advertiser. But she omitted any discussion of prior approval — a key idea that distinguished the unnamed adviser’s plan from remedies pushed by other Democrats.

三周后，加巴德在《檀香山明星公报》上发表了一篇社论，支持该政策的某种版本。但她省略了关于事先审批的讨论——这是区分该无名顾问方案与其他民主党人推动的补救措施的一个关键点。

Soon after the op-ed was published, Hoen emailed Saltzburg.

社论发表后不久，霍恩给萨尔茨堡发了邮件。

“He was pissed she didn’t say that they should get private care withOUT pre-approval,” Hoen wrote. She did not say who “he” was. Saltzburg told me she understood it to be Butler.

“他很生气，因为她没有说他们应该在无须事先审批的情况下获得私人护理。”霍恩写道。她没有说“他”是谁。萨尔茨堡告诉我，她认为是指巴特勒。

A month later, Gabbard introduced a bill that made explicit that veterans would not need preapproval for private care.

一个月后，加巴德提出了一项法案，明确规定退伍军人无需事先审批即可获得私人护理。

The memos covered a dizzying range of matters. I found a 173-page dossier from 2014 titled “TG Issues.” It compiled advice for Gabbard on dozens of topics — from taxes to the mysterious disappearance that year of Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 and more. The document was peppered with imperatives. “Start introducing bills,” it said on one issue. “Need to get on it and hit hard. Stop being weak,” it said on another.

备忘录涵盖的范围令人眼花缭乱。我发现了一份2014年名为“TG议题”的173页档案。它汇编了针对数十个主题给加巴德的建议，内容从税务到当年马来西亚航空370航班的神秘失踪等。文件中充斥着强制性指令。在某一议题上，它写道：“开始提出法案。”在另一议题上，它写道：“需要着手并大力出击。别再软弱了。”

>>1521266

ESL shill schizophrenia thread

ESL托儿精神分裂症帖子

Syria was the subject of many of the memos, including one from August 2016 that documented tactical advice on one of Gabbard’s signature policies: preventing the United States from ousting then-Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad.

叙利亚是许多备忘录的主题，其中包括2016年8月的一份备忘录，记录了关于加巴德一项标志性政策的战术建议：阻止美国推翻当时的叙利亚独裁者巴沙尔·阿萨德。

The memo quoted an unnamed adviser saying she should reiterate her opposition to U.S. intervention in Syria’s civil war, even as a shocking image of a wounded 5-year-old made headlines. “The CIA is the one that started this thing,” the person said. Gabbard made that claim publicly three years later.

备忘录引用了一位无名顾问的话，称她应重申反对美国介入叙利亚内战的立场，即便一张重伤5岁女童的惊人照片正在引起头条关注。“是中央情报局引发了这一切。”此人说道。三年后，加巴德公开作出了这一声明。

As I examined the document, eight months after Gabbard’s confirmation as director of national intelligence, I found it striking that such deep suspicion of U.S. intelligence appeared to have been fed to someone who would later coordinate the CIA, the National Security Agency and more than a dozen similar agencies.

在我查阅这份文件时——距加巴德被确认担任国家情报总监已过去八个月——我发现，对美国情报机构根深蒂固的怀疑竟然灌输给了这位后来负责统筹中央情报局、国家安全局及十多个类似机构的负责人，这着实令人震惊。

Butler had expressed similar skepticism of the national security establishment. I had been reading SIF transcripts of his lectures, an archive of nearly 7,000 pages that a former member had shared with me. Butler claimed the CIA and other spy agencies had bugged his family home to monitor his father when he was a child. In one lecture, he warned the agencies were filled with demonic “power-hungry madmen” and wanted to use psychic powers to control people.

巴特勒也对国家安全体制表达了类似的怀疑态度。我一直在阅读他讲座的SIF录音转录稿，这是前成员分享给我的一份近7000页的档案。巴特勒声称，在他童年时期，中情局及其他间谍机构在他的家中安装了窃听器，以便监视他的父亲。在某次讲座中，他警告说这些机构里充斥着贪婪于权力的“恶魔般的精神错乱者”，并企图利用精神力量来控制人类。

Reading over the documents, I found more on Syria, including a directive Hoen sent to one of Gabbard’s personal email accounts in 2014.

在细读这些文件的过程中，我发现了更多关于叙利亚的内容，其中包括霍恩在2014年发送给加巴德一个私人电子邮箱的一封指令邮件。

“IMPORTANT TO DO: must tweet around 9am,” said the subject line. It contained a pre-written tweet, with a link to a video, on the plight of Kurdish fighters in the city of Kobane, which was under siege by the Islamic State.

邮件主题行写道：“必须做的重要事项：上午9点左右发推文。”邮件内包含一条预写好的推文，附有一个视频链接，内容是关于被伊斯兰国围困的科巴尼市库尔德武装人员的困境。

“Every word of the tweet language is approved,” Hoen wrote. She added later that Gabbard should tag senior Obama administration officials in identical follow-up posts. “He’d like them to see the video,” she wrote. Once again, “he” was not identified.

“推文的每一措辞均已获批准，”霍恩写道。她后来补充说，加巴德应在后续的跟进帖子中@（提及）奥巴马政府的高级官员。“他想让他们看到这段视频，”她写道。同样，“他”并未指明是谁。

I checked Gabbard’s page on Twitter, now known as X. I saw that she had posted the tweet verbatim that day and followed up with posts tagging the senior officials. Then she emailed Hoen.

我查看了加巴德在推特上的主页（现称X）。我看到她当天确实一字不差地发布了那条推文，随后又发帖提及了那些高级官员。接着，她给霍恩发了电子邮件。

“Sent tweet,” Gabbard wrote.

加巴德写道：“推文已发出。”

A June 2014 memo Hoen emailed Gabbard ahead of a TV appearance was direct: “Don’t forget to smile, etc. Don’t do the eye thing.”

霍恩在2014年6月发给加巴德的一封备忘录中，在其电视露面之前直接提醒道：“别忘了微笑之类的事情。别做那个‘眼神动作’。”

On YouTube, I found a clip of Gabbard on CNN the following day. At several points, she opened her eyes wide while speaking.

我在YouTube上找到了加巴德次日在CNN上接受采访的视频片段。在好几个场合，她在说话时睁大了眼睛。

“Well, from what I saw, she’s doing the f---ing eye thing again,” an unnamed speaker told Hoen later that day, according to a transcript of their conversation emailed to Saltzburg and others. “She’s still doing the eye thing.”

根据一封发送给萨尔茨伯格及其他人的对话转录稿，一名不愿透露姓名的发言人在当天稍后告诉霍恩：“看来她又在那儿做该死的眼神动作了。”“她还在做那个眼神动作。”

The communications were among many memos that reflected concern about Gabbard’s media performances, or guidance about what she should say during them, at a time when she was just beginning to gain a national reputation. They coincided with memos documenting advice on how she might run for president in 2016.

这些通信记录是众多备忘录中的一部分，反映出当时加巴德初获全国知名度之际，人们对她的媒体表现存在担忧，或对其在媒体上应如何发言提供指导。这些备忘录与记录着她2016年可能竞选总统策略的备忘录时间上重合。

A January 2015 memo documented an unnamed adviser’s proposal to attack John F. Kerry, then secretary of state, for saying violent activity by the Islamic State and al-Qaeda was rooted not in Islam but in “alienation, poverty, thrill seeking and other factors.” If that were true, the adviser said sarcastically, the way to deal with terrorists would be to “give them a trophy, a big hug, increase their self-esteem, give them a good paying job.”

一份2015年1月的备忘录记录了一位匿名顾问提出的建议：抨击时任国务卿约翰·克里，因为克里没有将伊斯兰国和“基地”组织的暴力活动归咎于伊斯兰教，而是将其根源归因于“疏离感、贫困、追求刺激及其他因素”。该顾问讽刺地说，如果真是这样，应对恐怖分子的方法就是“给他们颁发奖杯，紧紧拥抱他们，提升他们的自尊心，给他们一份高薪工作”。

In a Fox News interview later that day, Gabbard repeated the Kerry quote and gave a similar mocking punch line. “If that’s really the cause, then the solution would be give them a trophy, give them a hug, give them a good-paying job,” she said.

在当天晚些时候接受福克斯新闻采访时，加伯雷斯复述了克里的那段话，并给出了一个类似的讽刺性结语。“如果那真的是原因，那么解决方案就是给他们发奖杯、给他们一个拥抱、给他们一份高薪工作。”她说。

I wanted to know whether Gabbard had used the talking points in her other TV appearances.

我想知道加伯雷斯在其他电视露面中是否使用了这些说辞。

With Post colleague Aaron Schaffer, I compared Gabbard’s remarks in 32 TV interviews between 2014 and 2016 with the talking-points memos intended for them. On 24 occasions, Gabbard used language in the memos almost verbatim. In the eight other instances, Gabbard used different words but promoted some of the same ideas.

我与《华盛顿邮报》同事阿伦·沙弗合作，将加伯雷斯在2014年至2016年间参加的32次电视采访言论与旨在供其使用的说辞备忘录进行了对比。在24次场合中，加伯雷斯几乎逐字使用了备忘录中的语言。在另外8次情况中，她使用了不同的措辞，但传达了其中相同的观点。

The memos reflected exacting judgment of Gabbard’s performances. The same unnamed speaker who vented about the “eye thing” also criticized her for seeming insincere, according to the transcript of those remarks. “It’s like she’s trying to express something, artificially. I don’t feel anything from her,” the speaker complained. “It’s more like kind of remembering talking points.”

这些备忘录反映了对加伯雷斯表现近乎苛刻的评判。根据那段言论的文本记录，那位对“眼神那回事”大加抱怨的匿名发言人也批评她显得不真诚。“她就像是在刻意、人工地表达些什么。我从她身上感受不到任何东西。”这位发言者抱怨道。“这更像是在努力回忆说辞要点。”

Another memo, circulated to members of the team on the eve of a Fox News interview, documented a 75-minute call between an unnamed person and Gabbard that went until 10:46 p.m. in Washington, according to a transcript. “Now all you need is a good night’s sleep, knowing that no matter how badly you f--- it up, that me and Krishna still love you,” the unnamed adviser told her.

另一份备忘录，在福克斯新闻采访前夜分发给团队成员，记录了一次匿名人士与加伯雷斯之间的75分钟通话，通话持续到华盛顿时间晚上10点46分，依据是一份文本记录。“现在你只需要好好睡一觉，要知道不管你搞砸得有多糟，我和克拉希纳仍然爱你，”这位匿名顾问对她说。

After the Fox interview, Hoen emailed Gabbard a suggested apology to the host, Greta Van Susteren. “I’m sorry I didn’t fully explain why the situation on the ground right now in Iraq is not the best time and place to strike ISIS,” it said. The subject line read, “pls check and send if ok.” It’s not clear from the documents whether Gabbard sent the apology. Van Susteren told me she had no recollection of it.

福克斯新闻采访后，霍恩给加伯雷斯发了一封电子邮件，建议她对主持人格雷塔·范·苏斯特伦道歉。邮件写道：“很抱歉我没有充分解释清楚，为什么目前的伊拉克局势并不是打击ISIS的最佳时机和地点。”邮件的主题行是“请检查，如果没问题就发送”。从这些文件中无法清楚得知加伯雷斯是否发送了这封道歉信。范·苏斯特伦告诉我她不记得有过此事。

As Gabbard, then 33, began her second congressional term in 2015, the unnamed speaker in one memo advised that “your position in general” should be to offer an alternative to other candidates in the “dishonest Democratic party.” Gabbard is not named in the memo, but the file name has “TG” in it.

随着当时33岁的加伯雷斯于2015年开启她的第二届国会任期，一份备忘录中的匿名发言者建议，“你总体上的立场”应该是为其他候选人提供一个替代方案，以对抗“不诚实的民主党”。备忘录中未指名道姓，但文件名中包含“TG”。

Gabbard ultimately did not run for president that year and instead endorsed Sanders.

加伯雷斯最终没有参加当年的总统竞选，而是转而支持桑德斯。

As the general election race got underway, transcripts show, an unnamed adviser spoke admiringly about Trump’s campaign messaging. In one, the unnamed speaker said Trump had staked out the kind of maverick position that Gabbard might have taken.

随着大选竞争的展开，文本记录显示，一位匿名顾问对特朗普的竞选宣传话语表示钦佩。在其中一次记录中，这位匿名发言者表示，特朗普采取了一种可能本来会是加伯雷斯所采取的“特立独行”的立场。

“This is right up your ally [sic],” the speaker said about some of Trump’s remarks on “Islamic extremists” in America. “Too bad you’re not running. It’s all falling into place, but for the wrong guy. Now Trump is going to be the one, and he’s a total idiot.”

“这简直正中你的下怀[原文如此]，”该发言者在谈及特朗普关于美国“伊斯兰极端分子”的一些言论时说。“真可惜你不是候选人。一切都正在应验，只是用错了人。现在特朗普成了那个角色，而他是个彻头彻尾的白痴。”

Memos sent before Trump entered politics suggested an affinity for some of the ideas he would later adopt. In two of them, an unnamed adviser said the government needed to think “America first,” which famously became a slogan of Trump’s movement. Another recommended occupying inner cities with the National Guard.

在特朗普步入政界之前寄出的备忘录显示，他当时对某些后来被他采纳的理念表现出好感。在其中两份备忘录中，一位不愿透露姓名的顾问表示，政府需要思考“美国优先”，这后来 famously 成为了特朗普运动的一个口号。另一份则建议让国民警卫队进驻市中心。

During the 2016 campaign, Butler devotees researched senior Trump advisers, including Stephen Miller and Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, emails show.

邮件显示，在2016年竞选期间，巴特勒的支持者对特朗普的高级顾问（包括斯蒂芬·米勒和迈克尔·弗林中将）进行了调查。

In July of 2016, Gabbard delivered the nominating speech for Sanders at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia. It was a breakout moment for her, placing her in the national spotlight as a rising star — however briefly — in the Democratic Party’s progressive wing.

2016年7月，加巴德在费城举行的民主党全国代表大会上为桑德斯发表提名演讲。这是她崭露头角的时刻，使她作为民主党进步派阵营中一颗冉冉升起的新星（尽管时间短暂）受到了全国媒体的关注。

Later that summer, Gabbard said that she would vote for Hillary Clinton, by then the Democratic nominee. That evening, a memo shows, an unnamed speaker advised against sharing a Facebook post that was critical of Trump — an unusual move for a Democratic member of Congress. “Just stay out of the presidential race,” the speaker in the memo said.

那年夏天晚些时候，加巴德表示她将投票给当时已成为民主党候选人的希拉里·克林顿。备忘录显示，当晚一位不愿透露姓名的发言者建议不要分享一篇批评特朗普的Facebook帖子——这对一位民主党国会议员来说是不寻常的做法。备忘录中的发言者说：“只要远离总统竞选就行了。”

After Trump won in November 2016, Gabbard shocked Democrats by meeting him at Trump Tower.

2016年11月特朗普获胜后，加巴德会见特朗普一事令民主党人震惊，当时她在特朗普大厦与他会面。

Hundreds of other documents in Saltzburg’s trove told the story of the effort to inflate the appearance of public support for Gabbard on social media and in the comments sections of news websites.

萨尔茨伯格收藏的数百份其他文件讲述了这样一种努力：在社交媒体和新闻网站评论区夸大公众对加巴德的支持程度。

Central to the commenting effort were dozens of social media accounts that were anonymized, and other accounts that one document referred to as “pseudonym profiles,” which displayed fake names. Some of those featured bogus biographies, including false education and job histories, or avatar photographs copied from elsewhere online, according to a report circulated among Butler devotees at the time.

评论工作的核心是数十个经过匿名处理的社交媒体账户，以及其他一些文件称为“伪名资料”的账户，这些账户展示的是虚假姓名。据当时在巴特勒支持者中流传的一份报告称，其中一些账户的虚假传记包括错误的教育和工作经历，或者从网上其他地方复制的头像照片。

The documents show, for instance, that profiles for “Sandy Thomas” and “Jeremy K” were actually controlled by someone named Anna. “James Cade” — a purported father, guitar player, woodworker and tree planter — was a woman named Becky. And accounts for a “Jason” and a “Sara” were both controlled by a person named Ellen. The three people behind the accounts did not respond to my questions.

文件显示，例如，“Sandy Thomas”和“Jeremy K”的资料实际上是由一位名叫Anna的人控制的。“James Cade”——一位自称父亲、吉他手、木匠和植树者——其实是一位名叫Becky的女性。而“Jason”和“Sara”的账户都由一位名叫Ellen的人控制。这三个账户背后的本人均未回复我的询问。

Saltzburg told me she had a prominent role in the project, at times effectively leading it.

萨尔茨伯格告诉我，她在这个项目中扮演了重要角色，有时实际上是负责人。

“I did a lot, for sure,” she said in a message. Saltzburg said she regretted the work but thought at the time that it served a higher purpose: “I did genuinely believe we were fighting for the environment, against regime change war, etc.”

“我确实做了很多，”她在一条消息中说。萨尔茨伯格表示，她对所做的工作感到后悔，但当时认为这些工作服务于一个更高的目标：“我真心相信我们是在为环境保护而战，反对政权更迭战争等等。”

Saltzburg allowed me to view emails and Skype messages where she advised members of the commenting group on how to keep their efforts from being detected. “Whenever possible, use different/anonymous names for new accounts,” she wrote in one memo. For each post they made about Gabbard, they were to make two that were not about her. And if they lived abroad, they should use encrypted services to mask their locations.

萨尔茨伯格让我查看电子邮件和Skype聊天记录，她在其中就如何避免评论行动被察觉向评论组成员提供建议。她在其中一份备忘录中写道：“尽可能为新的账户使用不同的/匿名名字。”对于每一条关于加巴德的帖子，他们还需要发布两条不关于她的帖子。如果他们住在国外，则应使用加密服务来掩盖行踪。

The group energetically commented on stories about Gabbard on the websites of the Honolulu Star-Advertiser, Hawaii’s biggest newspaper, and Honolulu Civil Beat, a nonprofit news organization. The effort grew to include other publications, along with posts about Gabbard on social platforms including Facebook, Twitter, Reddit and Medium.

该组织的成员在檀香山《星Advertiser》（夏威夷最大报纸）和檀香山《公民节拍》（一家非营利新闻机构）的网站评论区，就有关加巴德的帖子热烈讨论。这一行动随后扩大到其他媒体刊物，并蔓延至Facebook、Twitter、Reddit和Medium等社交平台，出现了大量针对加巴德的帖子。

In October 2014, the commenters feared reporters were about to expose their use of bogus profiles. A flurry of memos shows an unnamed person — an individual referred to as “our friend” — demanding answers from leaders of the commenting group about potential weaknesses in the biographies, including one that claimed the user attended the University of Hawaii, Butler’s alma mater. The person instructed Hoen to search the university’s online directory to see if it was complete, in which case reporters could use the absence of the fake name to disprove the attendance claim. “See if my name is in it,” according to a transcript.

2014年10月，评论者们担心记者即将曝光他们使用虚假账号的行为。一系列备忘录显示，一位代号为“我们的朋友”的匿名人士要求评论小组的领导层解释其简历中可能存在的漏洞，其中一份简历声称该用户就读于夏威夷大学，而这也是巴特勒的母校。此人指示霍恩去搜索该大学的在线目录，以确认其是否完整；如果目录齐全，那么记者就可以利用假名字不在其中的事实来驳斥其就读主张。根据一份文字记录，此人说：“看看我的名字在里面吗。”

“I found Kurt Butler, but not Kris or Chris Butler,” Hoen replied.

“我找到了库尔特·巴特勒，但没找到克里斯或克里斯·巴特勒，”霍恩回复道。

In many of the memos about the commenting initiative, though, there is no identifying information about the speaker.

然而，在许多关于评论行动的备忘录中，发言者都没有透露任何身份信息。

The memos told devotees how to defend Gabbard, SIF and Butler online, and provided them with language to use in their posts. Leaders of the commenting group “sent up” reports, sometimes daily, on comments they had posted. The reports were then sent back, from a Nine Isles address, unsigned but annotated with commentary — often scathing — about the quality of the work.

这些备忘录指导信徒们如何在网络上为加巴德、SIF和巴特勒辩护，并为他们的帖子提供了话术。评论小组的领导层“上报”他们发布的评论情况，有时甚至是每天汇报。这些报告随后会从“Nine Isles”的一个邮箱地址发回，未署名，但附有评语——往往措辞严厉——用来指出工作质量的问题。

In a memo suggesting comments for the Fox News website, the unnamed speaker warned that since regular internet users “speak stupidly,” the group would need to dumb down approved posts to make them sound authentic. “I’m too smart, so it looks like it’s the same guy, a smart guy writing something here,” the speaker said. “Want to make some of the comments stupider too, like idiot talk rather than all thoughtful.”

在一封建议发布评论的备忘录中，发言者就《福克斯新闻》网站的情况发出警告，指出由于普通网民“说话很蠢”，小组需要将approved的帖子“降智”，使其听起来更真实。“我太聪明了，所以看起来好像同一个人，一个聪明人在这儿写东西，”发言者说。“要不要把一些评论变得更蠢点，比如用白痴的语气，而不是全都显得很有深思熟虑。”

A separate memo, after someone on Facebook questioned Gabbard’s credentials as a military expert, documented a complaint from an unnamed speaker that the commenters “didn’t f---ing do anything.”

另一份备忘录记录了一位匿名人士对Facebook上有人质疑加巴德作为军事专家资格一事的不满，该人士抱怨评论者“他妈的一点都没干”。

“Why the hell did this go on and we don’t have any of our people responding, defending TG?” the speaker said. Records show that a bogus account then posted a defense of Gabbard using points the speaker had suggested.

“这到底怎么回事，我们的人怎么都不出面回应、为TG辩护？”该人士说道。记录显示，随后有一个虚假账号发布了为加巴德的辩护，其中使用了该人士提出的论点。

And in a phone call, a person who was not identified harshly criticized Gabbard for allowing negative comments to sit uncontested on her official Facebook page, according to a transcript.

根据一份文字记录，在一通电话中，一位未具名人士严厉批评加巴德允许负面评论在她官方Facebook页面上未经反驳地存在。

“Could you please explain that to me?” the person asked.

“你能给我解释一下这是怎么回事吗？”该人士问道。

“I don’t have an explanation,” she replied.

“我没有解释，”她回答。

“Well, maybe you ought to think of one,” the person replied. “If you don’t know what you’re doing, why are you doing it?”

“那也许你该想个解释出来，”该人士回道。“如果你不知道自己该做什么，那你为什么要做呢？”

Having spent months analyzing the documents, I felt I finally had enough information to seek interviews with those at the center of the story.

经过数月的文件分析，我觉得终于掌握了足够的信息，去寻求采访故事核心人物的机会。

In March, I wrote detailed letters to Butler, Gabbard and Khemaney, outlining the memos I had seen and what I had been told about them. Understanding that Butler doesn’t use a computer and has no email address, I sent the letter meant for him to SIF President Jeannie Bishop.

三月的时候，我给巴特勒、加巴拉和凯马内伊写了详细的信件，概述了我见过的备忘录以及关于它们的传言。鉴于巴特勒不用电脑、也没有电子邮件地址，我把那封写给他本人的信转交给了SIF主席珍妮·毕晓普。

Neither Gabbard nor her spokeswoman answered my questions. Instead, the spokeswoman urged me to drop the story. “I cannot imagine WaPo’s readers would be interested in yet another uncredible, bigoted attack on the DNI’s faith,” she wrote.

加巴拉和她的发言人既没有回答我的问题，也没有回应。相反，发言人敦促我放弃这篇报道。她写道：“我无法想象《华盛顿邮报》的读者会对针对DNI（国家情报总监）宗教信仰的又一篇缺乏可信度、充满偏见的攻击感兴趣。”

Bishop sent a letter saying that SIF would not answer my specific questions because they included “many embedded premises and characterizations that we do not accept.” She did not specify what she was disputing. She asked, though, that I make clear Butler “was following a different spiritual path” in 1970, when followers told a reporter they would kill themselves for him. Two years later, he was initiated as a disciple of the Hare Krishna movement’s founder and “began a fundamentally different chapter of his life,” Bishop wrote.

毕晓普回信称，SIF不会回答我的具体问题，因为这些提问中包含了“许多我们不认同的预设和定性”。她没有具体说明自己在反驳什么。不过，她要求我澄清，1970年当追随者告诉记者愿意为他自杀时，巴特勒“正走上一条不同的灵性道路”。毕晓普写道，两年后，他被胡里奎师那运动创始人认证为门徒，“并开启了他人生中根本不同的一章”。

A vice president at a Manhattan-based public relations firm also contacted me on SIF’s behalf. He agreed to speak if he was not identified in the story, and he provided me with a statement: “Hinduphobia, anti-Hindu religious bigotry,that’sall this is,” the statement said. “When a Hindu public figure has a spiritual teacher or shares views with a Hindu religious figure, that alone is somehow evidence of sinister control.”

一家总部位于曼哈顿的公关公司副总裁也代表SIF联系了我。他同意在不透露身份的前提下接受采访，并向我提供了一份声明：“这就是仇印度教情绪、反印度教的宗教偏见。”声明称，“当一位印度教公众人物拥有灵性导师，或与印度教宗教人士观点相同时，这就莫名其妙地成了某种黑暗控制的证据。”

The statement claimed that the source of the story — Saltzburg — was a “malicious liar.”

该声明声称，报道的来源——萨尔茨堡——是个“恶意的骗子”。

From the moment Saltzburg told me that she had been arrested in the teenage-runaway case and that she had fallen out with SIF leaders, I anticipated that SIF might attack her credibility. It did, but not in the way I had expected.

从萨尔茨堡告诉我她因涉及未成年人离家出走案被捕，且与SIF领导人闹翻的那一刻起，我就预料到SIF可能会攻击她的可信度。他们确实攻击了，但方式与我预想的不同。

The PR man said that after her arrest, Saltzburg had demanded $250,000 from SIF and threatened that she would cause the organization “reputational damage” if she did not receive the money. “It fundamentally changes the lens that we should be looking at these allegations through and evaluating them, I think,” the PR man said.

这位公关人士说，被捕之后，萨尔茨堡向SIF索要25万美元，并威胁称如果拿不到钱，她将给该组织造成“声誉损害”。这位公关人士说：“我认为，这从根本上改变我们应该用以审视和评估这些指控的视角。”

I sent a message to Saltzburg: “sif is claiming you tried to extort them for 250k.”

我给萨尔茨堡发了条消息：“SIF声称你试图向他们敲诈25万美元。”

She said she knew what they were referring to.

她说她知道他们指的是什么。

Saltzburg showed me a 38-page letter she sent Butler in June last year, outlining the events that led to her arrest near Austin on suspicion of interference with child custody.

萨尔茨堡给我看了一封她于去年六月发给巴特勒的38页信件，概述了导致她因疑似干涉儿童监护权而在奥斯汀附近被捕的事件经过。

She had copied Gabbard, Khemaney and others on the letter, in which she referenced allegations that the runaway she sheltered and other children had been abused.

她在信中抄送给了加巴拉、凯马内伊及其他人，并在信中提到庇护的那名离家出走少女及其他儿童遭受虐待的指控。

She had indeed demanded $250,000 from one of Butler’s senior disciples “to cover damages to my children and me.” She alleged that the senior disciple initially asked her to help protect the runaway, but then changed his story after the police got involved, leaving her to face a felony charge with a potential two-year jail sentence and a hefty fine.

她确实向巴特勒的一名资深门徒索要了25万美元，“以赔偿我和我的孩子们所遭受的损失。”她声称，该资深门徒起初请她帮忙保护这名出逃者，但在警方介入后却改口，导致她面临一项可能判处两年监禁并处以高额罚款的重罪指控。

If the senior disciple didn’t pay Saltzburg, she wrote, she would sue him. A lawsuit could make public information that would be embarrassing for Butler and Gabbard, she wrote, while a private settlement would mitigate their “reputational risks.” She added that the money would not buy her silence: “I will absolutely not tie my hands behind my back by signing an NDA or gag order.”

她写道，如果该资深门徒不向索尔茨伯格付款，她就会起诉他。她指出，诉讼将公开一些对巴特勒和加巴德来说难堪的信息，而私下和解则能降低他们的“声誉风险”。她还补充说，这笔钱并不能买她的沉默：“我绝不会通过签署保密协议（NDA）或禁言令来捆住自己的手脚。”

According to Saltzburg, Butler said through an aide that he would not communicate with her about the matter and that she should take it up directly with the senior disciple. She did not follow up, she said.

据索尔茨伯格称，巴特勒通过助手表示，他不会就此事与她沟通，让她直接与该资深门徒交涉。她说自己没有进一步跟进。

Texas prosecutors eventually declined to pursue a criminal case against Saltzburg for the allegations of child custody interference, concluding they had insufficient evidence, records show.

记录显示，得克萨斯州检察官最终决定不对索尔茨伯格涉嫌干涉子女监护权的指控提起刑事诉讼，理由是证据不足。

I mulled the significance of Saltzburg’s letter. It obviously showed she was in the mood to embarrass SIF the second time she contacted me. But it took me raising Nine Isles for her to dig out the Gabbard memos.

我仔细琢磨了索尔茨伯格这封信的意义。它显然表明，第二次联系我时，她正急于让SIF（“神圣之旅”组织）出丑。但也是在我提及“九岛”之后，她才翻找出那些加巴德的备忘录。

Saltzburg told me she decided to give me the emails not only because of her anger toward SIF leaders but because she felt Gabbard misled voters about Butler’s role and his influence on her decision-making.

索尔茨伯格告诉我，她决定把这些电子邮件给我的原因，不仅是因为她对SIF领导层感到愤怒，还因为她觉得加巴德在巴特勒的角色及其对她决策的影响力问题上欺骗了选民。

“Everyone was lied to. The people of Hawaii were lied to,” she said. “I feel horrible for having been a part of it.”

“所有人都被欺骗了。夏威夷人民被欺骗了，”她说，“我为自己曾参与其中而感到非常糟糕。”

While attacking Saltzburg’s motivations, SIF did not question the authenticity of any of the material she shared with me. I sent Gabbard’s parents and Hoen letters with detailed descriptions of and questions about the documents I had studied. None of them replied.

在攻击索尔茨伯格的动机时，SIF并未质疑她与我分享的任何材料的真实性。我给加巴德的父母和霍恩写信，详细介绍了我所研究的文件并提出问题，但无人回复。

But then I heard from Khemaney. He offered an explanation that surprised me. In retrospect, perhaps I should have anticipated it.

但后来我收到了凯马内伊的来信。他提出了一个让我惊讶的解释。事后回想，也许我本该预料到这一点。

Khemaney claimed that he, not Butler, was behind most of the memos.

凯马内伊声称，那些备忘录大多是出自他之手，而非巴特勒。

“The vast majority of these materials from more than a decade ago came from me and other advisers, including her father, State Sen. Mike Gabbard. I worked with Congresswoman Gabbard on media, speeches, and policy messaging over many years,” Khemaney told me in an email. “One or two may have come from Chris Butler, specifically regarding the teachings of the Bhagavad-gita, Hinduism, and the Vedic guru system.”

“十多年前的大多数这些材料来自我和其他顾问，包括她的父亲、州参议员迈克·加巴德。多年来，我一直在国会女议员加巴德的媒体宣传、演讲和政策传达方面与她合作，”凯马内伊在邮件中告诉我，“有一两份可能来自克里斯·巴特勒，特别是关于《薄伽梵歌》、印度教和吠陀古鲁体系的教学内容。”

Then Khemaney said something that highlighted how the unusual nature of the memos made his assertion hard to assess. “There is no evidence supporting the claim that this body of work can be attributed to Chris Butler,” he said. “File names, shorthand, and selective excerpts do not establish authorship.”

接着，凯马内伊说出了一番话，凸显出这些备忘录的特殊性使得他的主张难以评估。“没有任何证据支持这一系列作品归因于克里斯·巴特勒的说法，”他说，“文件名、简写和选择性摘录并不能确立作者身份。”

I thanked Khemaney and asked him to specify which man had written which memos. He did not reply. I asked again a couple of weeks later. He still didn’t respond.

我向凯马内伊道谢，并让他具体说明哪些备忘录是哪位男士撰写的。他没有回复。几周后我又问了一遍。他依然没有回应。

Several things I had noticed over the past 18 months — about the documents, SIF and the organization’s unorthodox ways of communicating — seemed at odds with Khemaney’s explanation.

过去18个月里我注意到的一些事情——关于文件、SIF（神圣国际家族）以及该组织非传统的沟通方式——似乎与凯马内伊的解释相矛盾。

Deep within the 173-page compilation of policy advice for Gabbard, in a section on immigration and jobs, was a reminiscence about working as a teenager in Hawaii.

在一份为加巴德编制的173页政策建议汇编中，有一节关于移民和就业，里面回忆了他在夏威夷当少年时的工作经历。

Butler grew up in Hawaii. Neither Khemaney nor Mike Gabbard was raised there.

巴特勒在夏威夷长大。凯马内伊和迈克·加巴德都不是在那里长大的。

Other memos contained far more direct indications of authorship. In a March 2015 discussion about whether Gabbard should reveal in a press interview that she was a Butler disciple, the speaker expressed concern that she would be made to answer for Butler’s past controversies.

其他备忘录则包含了更直接的身份线索。在2015年3月关于加巴德是否应在接受媒体采访时表示自己是巴特勒追随者的一场讨论中，发言者表示担忧，担心她会被要求为巴特勒过去的争议承担责任。

“Everything I have taught, said, lectures is going to all be laid on you. So that’s my concern,” the adviser said.

顾问说：“我所有教导过、说过、讲过 lectured 的内容都会全部算在你头上。所以这就是我的担忧。”

There were others like that. Eventually I found the adviser appeared to identify himself as Butler in 19 memos. Perhaps unsurprisingly, those memos tended to be about Gabbard’s faith — where the identity of her guru was an inevitable talking point — rather than matters of politics or policy.

类似的例子还有不少。最终我发现，在19份备忘录中，这位顾问似乎将自己指认为巴特勒。也许毫不奇怪，这些备忘录往往涉及加巴德的宗教信仰——她的上师身份必然是谈话的一个焦点——而不是政治或政策事务。

Nothing in those documents distinguished them from the hundreds of others where the unnamed adviser did not self-identify. If, as Khemaney claimed, these files contained a mix of advice from different people including himself and Mike Gabbard, how were the recipients to know whose advice they were reading? A more logical explanation, it seemed, was that there was only one unnamed adviser.

这些文件中没有任何内容能将它们与成百上千份匿名顾问未自报身份的文件区分开来。如果像凯马内伊声称的那样，这些档案包含了来自包括他自己在内的不同人的建议以及迈克·加巴德的建议，接收者如何知道他们读到的是谁的建议？看起来更合理的解释是，只有一位匿名顾问。

Other clues pointed toward Butler, too. In a handful of the documents, team members referred to requests from “S,” the nickname for Butler. Despite his first initial being S, Khemaney is widely known within SIF as “Syd,” according to documents and former members. Syd is an abbreviation of Syamasundara Das, the “initiate name” he was given when he became a Butler disciple, according to former members. One memo I found about a SIF legal issue was addressed from Syd to S, indicating they are different people.

其他线索也指向巴特勒。在少数文件中，团队成员提到了来自“S”的请求，这是巴特勒的昵称。尽管他的名字首字母是S，但根据文件和前成员的说法，凯马内伊在SIF内部广为人知的名字是“Syd”。据前成员称，“Syd”是西亚马苏南德拉·达斯（Syamasundara Das）的缩写，这是他成为巴特勒追随者时被赐予的“入门名”。我发现的一份关于SIF法律问题的备忘录，发件人是Syd，收件人是S，这表明他们是不同的人。

Other documents in the trove, many touching on political matters, pointed away from Khemaney and Mike Gabbard as the speaker. In some, the unnamed adviser mentioned Khemaney or Mike Gabbard, suggesting that neither of them was the person talking. Five of the documents were transcripts of calls between an unnamed adviser and Khemaney himself. Other documents were labeled as coming “from CP.” Saltzburg said this was an abbreviation of “Car Port,” a nickname for the house in Kailua where I’d been told Butler lived. Before the police asked me to leave, I did notice the house had such a feature.

其他大量涉及政治事务的文件也排除了凯马内伊和迈克·加巴德作为发言者的可能性。在一些文件中，匿名顾问提到了凯马内伊或迈克·加巴德，暗示他们都不是谈话的人。有五份文件是匿名顾问与凯马内伊本人通话的录音整理。其他文件标注为来自“CP”。索尔茨堡说，这是“Car Port”（汽车棚）的缩写，这是凯卢阿的一栋房子的昵称，据我所知巴特勒就住在那里。在警察要求我离开之前，我确实注意到那栋房子有这样的设施。

The anonymity in the memos was in keeping with the secrecy that former SIF members told me Butler demanded. By contrast, Khemaney openly advised Gabbard when she was in Congress. He accompanied her on official trips and on the campaign trail. He carried a Gabbard campaign business card. Similarly, Gabbard and her father had spoken candidly about their political discussions and disagreements. I could see in Saltzburg’s documents that Khemaney and Gabbard’s father both openly emailed Gabbard about politics. So why would they in other moments shield their private advice to her behind anonymity and encrypted documents?

备忘录中的匿名做法，与前SIF成员告诉我的那样——巴特勒要求保密——是一致的。相比之下，凯马尼在加巴德担任国会议员时，曾公开向她提供建议。他陪同她进行公务出行和竞选活动，口袋里还揣着加巴德竞选团队的名片。同样，加巴德和她的父亲曾坦率地谈论过他们的政治讨论和分歧。我通过萨尔茨堡的文件看到，凯马尼和加巴德的父亲都曾就政治问题向加巴德公开发送邮件。那么，为什么他们在其他时候，却要用匿名和加密文档来掩护他们私下给她的建议呢？

In late March, I asked Saltzburg if I could read through her personal Gmail inbox. I thought I might find additional clues embedded in messages that hadn’t seemed important enough for her to forward earlier. She gave me access. I scoured thousands more emails, sifting through SIF members’ daily chatter in search of even one line that might explicitly identify the speaker or speakers behind the memos. None did.

三月下旬，我请求查阅萨尔茨堡的个人Gmail收件箱，希望能从一些她之前认为不够重要而未转发给我的邮件中找到更多线索。她给了我权限。我翻看了数千封更多的邮件，在SIF成员的日常闲聊中仔细搜寻，试图找到哪怕一行能明确指出备忘录背后发言人身份的线索。但一无所获。

It seemed worth checking whether artificial intelligence could help. I asked the chatbot Claude to perform a stylometric analysis, which uses statistics to analyze the authorship of texts. Claude ran 13 statistical models to compare the memos Saltzburg had shared to the 7,000-page archive of Butler’s lectures, as well as to Mike Gabbard’s extensive writings and speeches. I also asked the chatbot to look at the few examples I could find of Khemaney’s language.

看来值得检查一下人工智能是否能帮上忙。我要求聊天机器人Claude进行文体特征分析，这是一种利用统计学分析文本作者身份的方法。Claude运行了13种统计模型，将萨尔茨堡分享的备忘录与巴特勒7000页的讲座档案进行比较，同时也与迈克·加巴德大量的著作和演讲进行了比对。我还要求聊天机器人分析我能找到的凯马尼用语的几个样本。

Claude said that the spoken remarks in the memos appeared to have been produced by just one person — and that the speaker was much more likely Butler than Khemaney or Mike Gabbard. It noted that “duplistic,” a nonword used instead of “duplicitous,” appeared once in the memos and nine times in Butler’s lecture archive. Other nonstandard words used in both the memos and the lectures, including “judgmentalism,” suggested Butler was the unnamed adviser, according to Claude.

Claude表示，备忘录中的发言似乎出自同一人之手，且发言者更可能是巴特勒，而非凯马尼或迈克·加巴德。它指出，“duplistic”（一个生造词，用来代替“duplicitous”即虚伪的）在备忘录中出现了一次，在巴特勒的讲座档案中出现了九次。此外，备忘录和讲座中都使用了一些非标准用词，如“judgmentalism”（好评判主义），根据Claude的分析，这暗示巴特勒就是那位匿名的顾问。

But of course Claude couldn’t say for sure.

但当然，Claude无法给出确凿的答案。

There were people in Butler’s inner circle from that period who probably knew the truth. Almost all ignored my calls, and none agreed to speak. I expanded my search to earlier years, for people who might have known how Butler’s office operated, even if they weren’t present for Gabbard’s rise.

巴特勒那个时期的核心圈子里，有人可能知道真相。但几乎所有人都忽略了我的来电，无人愿意接受采访。我将搜索范围扩大到更早的年份，寻找那些可能了解巴特勒办公室运作方式的人，即使他们并未见证加巴德的崛起。

I spoke with a family member of one of the candidates who had run for Independents for Godly Government in 1976. She said she feared retribution from SIF and agreed to talk with me as long as I didn’t publish her name. She told me that Butler had advised the IGG candidates while working to hide his connections to them, and that he avoided written communications, instead using intermediaries to deliver his campaign advice. She said Butler was obsessed with politics.

我采访了一位曾在1976年以“神圣政府独立人士”身份参选的候选人的家庭成员。她表示担心遭到SIF的报复，并同意在我不公开其姓名的前提下与我交谈。她告诉我，巴特勒在为IGG候选人提供建议的同时，努力隐藏与他们的联系；他避免使用书面沟通，而是通过中间人传达竞选建议。她说，巴特勒对政治痴迷不已。

He wanted, she said, “to rule the world.”

她说，巴特勒想要“统治世界”。

The time frame of documents we reviewed meant they could not show whether Gabbard continued receiving guidance after she left Congress and eventually joined the Trump administration. But I found echoes of years-old guidance in her more recent remarks. One phrase in particular stood out.

我们审查的文档时间范围意味着，它们无法证明加巴德在离开国会并最终加入特朗普政府后是否继续接受指导。但我发现她最近的言论中回响着多年前的指导方针。其中有一句短语尤其引人注目。

In 2014, Hoen emailed Gabbard a statement for posting online that said Gabbard made every decision through the prism of “the safety, security, and freedom of the American people.” She repeated that phrase in the first paragraph of her 2024 memoir, and after she was nominated by Trump, Gabbard made it her mantra, using it in her Senate confirmation hearing, her inaugural statement as DNI, her presentation of this year’s annual threat assessment and many other occasions.

2014年，霍恩给加巴德发了一封电子邮件，其中包含一段供在网上发布的声明，称加巴德做出的每一个决定都透过“美国人民的安全、安全与自由”这一棱镜。她在2024年回忆录的第一段中重复了这句话；在被特朗普提名后，加巴德将其奉为格言，在其参议院确认听证会、作为国家情报总监的就职声明、今年年度威胁评估的发布以及其他许多场合中多次使用。

On May 20, having received no answers from Gabbard to my questions for two months, I emailed her, her press secretary and her chief of staff. I let them know we planned to proceed with a story about her association with Butler. I again invited Gabbard to address my questions.

5月20日，在加巴德对我的问题两个月未作回答后，我向她、她的新闻秘书和她的幕僚长发了电子邮件。我告知他们我们计划继续报道她与巴特勒的关联，并再次邀请加巴德回应我的问题。

Two days later, Fox News reported that Gabbard — whose departure had been rumored for months — would be leaving the position of DNI this month because her husband had been diagnosed with a rare bone cancer. Some commentators observed that she still had a promising political future, maybe even more so because she was not aligned with Trump on the Iran war and other unpopular policies.

两天后，福克斯新闻报道称，加巴德——她离职的消息已流传数月——将于本月辞去国家情报总监一职，原因是她的丈夫被诊断出患有一种罕见的骨癌。一些评论员指出，她仍然拥有光明的政治前景，或许甚至更为如此，因为她在与特朗普在伊朗战争及其他不得人心的政策上存在分歧。

On one of Gabbard’s last days in office, in response to additional inquires from me, her chief of staff sent a statement characterizing the reporting as “allegations tied to a failed $250,000 extortion attempt by a disgruntled former volunteer seeking personal profit, not truth.”

在加巴德任职的最后几天之一，针对我提出的进一步询问，她的幕僚长发了一份声明，将相关报道形容为“与一起失败的25万美元勒索企图有关的指控，一名不满的前志愿者寻求个人利益而非真相”。

“The attacks on Director Gabbard’s faith and loyalty are not only false — they are a blatant example of anti-Hindu bigotry,” the statement said.

该声明称：“对加巴德主任信仰和忠诚的攻击不仅是虚假的——它们是反印度教偏执狂的 blatant 例子。”

As I had worked on this story, I had kept tabs on the social media accounts that had been part of the campaign to defend and boost Gabbard online while she was in Congress.

在撰写这篇报道的过程中，我一直密切关注那些在加巴德在国会期间参与在线支持和推广她的社交媒体账号。

At least seven of those accounts were still posting about Gabbard on X in early 2025 as she went through the Senate confirmation process, I found. By following a link buried within the years-old Skype messages Saltzburg had provided, I also found a Google Doc where the commenting group flagged social media posts about Gabbard for potential response. The document was still being updated daily as recently as April of last year.

我发现在2025年初，当加巴德经历参议院确认程序时，至少七个这样的账号仍在X平台上发布关于加巴德的内容。通过追踪萨尔茨堡多年前提供的Skype消息中一个隐藏链接，我还发现了一个Google文档，其中评论群组标记了关于加巴德的社交媒体帖子以供潜在回应。直到去年四月，该文档仍在每日更新。

Some of the accounts piped up again in the days after Gabbard announced her resignation, posting a set of soundalike comments.

在加巴德宣布辞职后的几天里，一些账号再次发声，发布了一系列雷同的评论。

“DNI Gabbard is a true patriot and will be missed,” wrote @ImACruzn, who describes herself as “Just an island girl living the island dream.”

@ImACruzn 写道：“国家情报总监加巴德是一位真正的爱国者，我们将怀念她。” 她描述自己是“只是一个过着岛民梦想的岛民女孩”。

The Sandy Thomas account reposted a similar message: “Tulsi Gabbard is a Patriot. She will be greatly missed.”

桑迪·托马斯的账号转发了类似的信息：“图尔西·加巴德是一位爱国者。我们将深切怀念她。”

A third account, named only as Dawn, echoed the sentiment: “Tulsi will be missed! She is truly one of a kind and a true patriot!”

第三个账号，只署名为Dawn，附和了这种观点：“Tulsi会被人怀念的！她确实独一无二，是个真正的爱国者！”

___

>>1521276

>>1521281

Found the cult shills.

找到了那些邪教托儿。

1521276

1521281

Take your meds, dearie.

吃点你的药吧，亲爱的。

>>1521276

Bezo is a far right wing operative along with the rest of the techbros.

Bezo是个极右翼行动派，跟那帮科技圈大佬们一样。

https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/2026/06/25/3-times-tulsi-gabbard-used-talking-points-mysterious-memos-almost-verbatim/

https://archive.is/efXJY

Nah she's definitely a Russian asset.

不，她绝对是个俄罗斯资产。

>>1521408

Can't it be both?

不能两者都是吗？

She is one of the few that is not a zionist prostitute.

她是少数几个不是犹太复国主义妓女的人之一。

>>1521266

Trash tier propaganda, nobody is going to read all that nonsense.

三流 propaganda（宣传），没人会去读那一堆胡扯。

>>1521314

>>1521408

>>1521449

Trash tier bots

三流机器人账号

>>1521309

>said the cult shill

> said the cult shill（邪教托儿如是说）

>>1521284

> also criticized her for seeming insincere, according to the transcript of those remarks. “It’s like she’s trying to express something, artificially. I don’t feel anything from her,”

> 他还批评她显得不真诚，根据那些言论的转录稿。“感觉她像是在 artificially（刻意地）表达什么东西。我从她身上感觉不到任何东西。”

Yeah that usually happens when you have to run everything you say past your cult leader and don’t get to have your own opinions

是啊，这通常发生在你不得不把你说的每一句话都经过你的邪教头子审核，而无法拥有自己观点的时候。

>>1521457

They have the cult's emails, retard. Tulsi lost her job and has been blacklisted by Trump because of this.

他们拥有该教会的电子邮件，蠢货。Tulsi因为此事丢了工作，并被Trump列入黑名单。

Obvious fanfiction about a person who isn't important at all.

明显的同人小说，关于一个完全不重要的人。